Synthesis Is Our Tradition by
Jawaharlal Nehru (1959 Lecture)
Reproduced in
Tuesday 24 April 2007 Mainstream
To endeavour to understand and describe the India of
today would be the task of a brave man. To describe tomorrow’s India would
verge on rashness.
What is India? That is a question which has come back
again and again to my mind. The early beginnings of our history filled me with
wonder. It was the past of a virile and vigorous race with a questing spirit
and an urge for free inquiry and, even in its earliest known period, giving
evidence of a mature and tolerant civilisation. Accepting life and its joys and
burdens, it was ever searching for the ultimate and the universal. It built up
a magnificent language, Sanskrit, and through this language, its arts and
architecture, it sent its vibrant message to far countries. It produced the
Upanishads, the Gita and the Buddha.
Hardly any language in the world has probably played
that vital part in the history of a race which Sanskrit has. It was not only
the vehicle of the highest thought and some of the finest literature, but it
became the uniting bond for India, in spite of its political division. The
Ramayana and the Mahabharata were woven into the texture of millions of lives
in every generation for thousands of years. I have often wondered, if our race
forgot the Buddha, the Upanishads and the great epics, what then will it be
like! It would be uprooted and would lose the basic characteristics which have
clung to it and given it distinction throughout these long ages. India would
cease to be India.
Gradually deterioration set in. Thought lost its
freshness and became stale, and the vitality and exuberance of youth gave place
to crabbed age. Instead of the spirit of adventure there came lifeless routine,
and the broad and exciting vision of the world was cabined and confined and
lost in caste divisions, narrow social customs and ceremonials. Even so, India
was vital enough to absorb the streams of people that flowed into her mighty
ocean of humanity and she never quite forgot the thoughts that had stirred her
in the days of her youthful vigour.
Subsequently, India was powerfully influenced by the
coming of Islam and Muslim invasions. Western colonial powers followed,
bringing a new type of domination and a new colonialism and, at the same time,
the impact of fresh ideas and of the industrial civilisation that was growing
up in Europe. This period culminated, after a long struggle, in independence
and now we face the future with all this burden of the past upon us and the
confused dreams and stirrings of the future that we seek to build.
We have all these ages represented in us and in our
country today. We have the growth of nuclear science and atomic energy in
India, and we also have the cowdung age.
In the tumult and confusion of our time, we stand
facing both ways, forward to the future and backwards to the past, being pulled
in both directions. How can we resolve this conflict and evolve a structure for
living which fulfils our material needs and, at the same time, sustains our
mind and spirit? What new ideals or old ideals varied and adapted to the new
world can we place before our people, and how can we galvanise the people into
wakefulness and action?
For the present, in India we are rightly absorbed in
the Five-Year Plans and in a tremendous effort to raise our people’s living
standards. Economic progress is essential and a prerequisite for any other type
of advance. But a doubt creeps into our minds. Is this by itself enough or is
something else to be added on to it? The Welfare State is a worthwhile ideal,
but it may well be rather drab. The examples of states which have achieved that
objective bring out new problems and difficulties, which are not solved by
material advance alone or by a mechanical civilisation. Whether religion is
necessary or not, a certain faith in a worthwhile ideal is essential to give substance
to our lives and to hold us together.
Change is essential but continuity is also necessary.
The future has to be built on the foundations laid in the past and in the
present. To deny the past and break with it completely is to uproot ourselves and,
sapless, dry up. It was the virtue of Gandhiji to keep his feet firmly planted
in the rich traditions of our race and our soil and, at the same time, to
function on the revolutionary plane. Above all, he laid stress on truth and
peaceful means. Thus he built on old foundations, and at the same time,
oriented the structure towards the future.
When Islam came to India in the form of political
conquest it brought conflict. It had a twofold effect. On the one hand, it
encouraged the tendency of Hindu society to shrink still further within its
shell; on the other, it brought a breath of fresh air and fresh ideals, and
thus had a certain rejuvenating influence. Hindu society had become a closed
system. The Muslims who came from outside brought their own closed system with
them. Hence the great problem that faced India during the medieval period was
how these two closed systems, each with its strong roots, could develop a
healthy relationship. Wise rulers like Akbar and others realised that the only
hope for the future lay in some kind of harmony being established.
The philosophy and the world outlook of the old Hindus
was amazingly tolerant; and yet they had divided themselves up into numerous
separate caste groups and hierarchies. The Muslims had to face a new problem,
namely, how to live with others as equals. In other countries where they had
gone, their success was so great that this problem did not really arise. They
came into conflict with Christendom and through hundreds of years the problem
was never solved. In India, slowly a synthesis was developed. But before this
could be completed, other influences came into play.
The new liberal thought of the West and industrial
processes began to affect the mind and life of India. A new nationalism
developed, which was inevitably against colonialism and sought independence,
and yet which was being progressively affected by the new industrial
civilisation as well as the language, literature and ways of the West.
Rammohun Roy came, seeking some kind of a synthesis
between old India and modern trends. Vivekananda brought back something of the
vigour of old Indian thought and dressed it in a modern garb. Political and
cultural movements grew up and culminated in Gandhiji and Rabindranath Tagore.
In Europe there had been a fierce conflict between
science and traditional religion, and the cosmology of Christianity did not fit
in at all with scientific theories. Science did not produce that sense of
conflict in India and Indian philosophy could easily accept it without doing
any vital injury to its basic conceptions.
In India, as elsewhere, two forces developed—the
growth of nationalism and the urge for social justice. Socialism and Marxism
became the symbol of this urge for social justice and, apart from their
scientific content, had a tremendous emotional appeal for the masses.
Living is a continual adjustment to changing
conditions. The rapidity of technological change in the last half century has
made the necessity of social change greater than ever, and there is a continual
maladjustment. The advance of science and technology makes it definitely
possible to solve most of the economic problems of the world and, in
particular, to provide the primary necessities of life to everyone all over the
world. The methods adopted will have to depend upon the background and cultural
development of a country or a community.
Internationally, the major question today is that of
world peace. The only course open is for us to accept the world as it is and
develop toleration for each other. It should be open to each country to develop
in its own way, learning from others, and not being imposed on by them.
Essentially, this calls for a new mental approach. The Panchsheel, or the Five
Principles, offer that approach.
There are conflicts within a nation. In a democratic
apparatus with adult suffrage, those conflicts can be solved by normal
constitutional methods.
In India we have had most distressing spectacles of
conflict based on provincialism or linguism. In the main, it is conflict of
class interests that poses problems today, and in such cases vested interests
are not easy to displace. Yet we have seen in India powerful vested interests
like those of the old princes and of the big jagirdars, talukdars and zamindars
being removed by peaceful methods, even though that meant a break-up of a
well-established system which favoured a privileged few. While, therefore, we
must recognise that there is class conflict, there is no reason why we should
not deal with it through these peaceful methods. They will only succeed,
however, if we have a proper objective in view clearly understood by the
people.
We have deliberately laid down as our objective a
socialist pattern of society. Personally I think that the acquisitive society,
which is the base of capitalism, is no longer suited to the present age. We
have to evolve a higher order more in keeping with modern trends and conditions
and involving not so much competition but much greater cooperation. We have
accepted socialism as our goal not only because it seems to us right and
beneficial but because there is no other way for the solution of our economic
problems. It is sometimes said that rapid progress cannot take place by
peaceful and democratic methods. I do not accept this proposition. Indeed, in
India today any attempt to discard democratic methods would lead to disruption
and would thus put in end to any immediate prospect of progress.
The mighty task that we have undertaken demands the
fullest cooperation from the masses of our people. The change we seek
necessitates burdens on our people, even on those who can least bear them;
unless they realise that they are partners in the building of a society which
will bring them benefits, they will not accept these burdens or give their full
cooperation.
Whether in land or industry, or in the governmental
apparatus, institutional changes become necessary from time to time as
functions change. A new set of values will replace those that have governed the
old acquisitive society based on the profit motive. The problem before us is
ultimately to change the thinking and activities of hundreds of millions of
people, and to do this democratically by their consent.
India today presents a very mixed picture of hope and
anguish, of remarkable advances and at the same time of inertia, of a new
spirit and also the dead hand of the past and of privilege, of an overall and
growing unity and many disruptive tendencies. Withal there is a great vitality
and a ferment in people’s minds and activities.
It is a remarkable thing that a country and a people
rooted in the remote past, who have shown so much resistance to change in the
past, should now be marching forward rapidly and with resolute steps.
What will emerge from the labour and the tumults of
the present generation? I cannot say what will tomorrow’s India be like. I can
only express my hopes and wishes. I want India to advance on the material
plane—to fulfil her Five-Year Plans to raise the standards of living of her
vast population; I want the narrow conflicts of today in the name of religion
or caste, language or province, to cease, and a classless and casteless society
to be built up where every individual has full opportunity to grow according to
his worth and ability. In particular, I hope that the curse of caste will be
ended, for there cannot be either democracy or socialism on the basis of caste.
Four great religions have influenced India—two
emerging from her own thought, Hinduism and Buddhism, and two coming from
abroad but establishing themselves firmly in India, Christianity and Islam.
Science today challenges the old concept of religion. But if religion deals not
with dogmas and ceremonials, but rather with the higher things of life, there
should be no conflict with science or inter se between religions. It might be
the high privilege of India to help in bringing about this synthesis. That
would be in India’s ancient tradition inscribed on Asoka’s edicts.
Tomorrow’s India will be what we make it by today’s
labours. We have started on this pilgrimage with strong purpose and good heart,
and we shall reach the end of the journey, however long that might be.
What I am concerned with is not merely our material
progress, but the quality and depth of our people. Gaining power through
industrial processes, will they lose themselves in the quest of individual
wealth and soft living? That would be a tragedy, for that would be a negation
of what India has stood for in the past and, I hope, in the present time also
as exemplified by Gandhiji.
Can we combine the progress of science and technology
with this progress of the mind and spirit also? We cannot be untrue to science,
because that represents the basic fact of life today. Still less can we be
untrue to those essential principles for which India has stood in the past
throughout the ages.
From India Today and Tomorrow, Azad Memorial Lectures,
New Delhi (February 1959)
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